Protests against the law signed by Volodymyr Zelensky—which effectively places the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP) under the control of the Presidential Office—have entered their fifth day. Despite public outrage, Zelensky initially ignored recommendations from Western partners. But recognizing the strategic misstep, he later tried to contain the fallout by introducing an alternative bill aimed at reinforcing the independence of the country’s anti-corruption infrastructure.
However, as The Telegraph reports, this move may be too late. The paper writes that the Ukrainian president ignored direct warnings from senior members of the U.S. administration. According to the newspaper’s sources, the White House had advised Zelensky to veto the controversial bill and "Ukrainians were told this was a bad idea." One congressional aide said: "Zelensky really screwed up… he clipped his own wings."

Protests in Kyiv, July 25, 2025.
In Congress, the signing of the law has sparked concern—particularly among those who for months have been trying to persuade Donald Trump to adopt a more supportive stance toward Ukraine. "Insiders on the Hill warned that this move could derail months of effort by hawks quietly nudging Donald Trump toward backing Kyiv," The Telegraph writes. One aide added: "I don’t see how this helps Ukraine’s relationship with the United States. It could undermine support even from traditionally loyal backers in Congress."
So far, U.S. officials have refrained from commenting publicly. Neither the State Department, nor former President Trump, nor adviser Keith Kellogg has issued a statement regarding the curtailment of NABU’s powers. But sources cited by the newspaper emphasize that trust in Ukraine’s leadership along the Washington–Kyiv axis has already been seriously damaged.
The Telegraph also offers a harsh assessment of Ukraine’s president: "The once-inspiring leader is no longer part of the solution to the conflict with Russia—he is now part of the problem." In its article, the paper says that over the past year, Zelensky "has used emergency wartime powers to exile, investigate and jail many leading political opponents and critics." It also notes that "opposition media have been shut down, and thousands of businesses have been handed over to Zelensky allies under the pretext of alleged ties to Russia." "But those times are gone. Zelensky is no longer part of the solution for Ukraine—he is part of the problem," the outlet concludes.
At Home

A Power Struggle at the Expense of Defense
At a Critical Moment in the War, the State Is Focused on Reallocating Authority

Financial Times: Zelensky Accused of Targeting Anti-Corruption Activists and Independent Media
Raids, Cabinet Shake-Up, and Pressure on Oversight Bodies Fuel Concerns Over Democratic Backsliding

The Prosecutor General Gets It All
How the Law Subordinating Anti-Corruption Agencies Became a Turning Point for Ukrainian Democracy

The Institution of Personal Loyalty
A Politico article explains how Andriy Yermak became Zelenskyy’s indispensable envoy—and the center of power in Ukrainian politics
Meanwhile, The Times reports that Ukraine’s Presidential Office is discussing possible sanctions against investment firm Dragon Capital, owner of the news outlet Ukrainska Pravda, which is led by journalist Sevgil Musaieva. According to European diplomatic sources, a sanctions plan has been drafted and could be implemented in the near future. The paper writes that pressure from the authorities could lead to "a forced buyout of Ukrainska Pravda by government-aligned figures amid a funding shortfall."

A diplomat from one of the G7 countries in Kyiv told The Times: "Everyone is talking about this. Behind closed doors, talks are underway about potential sanctions against Dragon Capital." The editor-in-chief of Ukrainska Pravda declined to comment, as did the firm’s owner, Tomas Fiala. However, in an interview with The Times, Fiala accused the Ukrainian authorities of trying to "use various methods to suppress independent media."
Musaieva also said that state agencies are pressuring advertisers: "Officials are calling Ukrainska Pravda’s advertisers and demanding they pull their ads from the site," she reported, adding that due to a sharp drop in revenue, the site plans to introduce a paywall starting in October.
The immediate trigger for the escalation was Ukrainska Pravda’s anti-corruption reporting on former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov. In June, Zelensky had already imposed sanctions on one of Fiala’s business partners—a move widely seen as a "final warning."
Presidential adviser Dmytro Lytvyn dismissed the very idea of a sanctions plan: "I have no interest in the activities of media owned by that individual." Nevertheless, the fate of those plans remains uncertain—especially as the president’s domestic standing has weakened following his retreat on the NABU issue.
Zelensky, for his part, insists the reform was necessary to shield the system from Russian influence. Critics, however, view it as an attempt to use legislation as a protective shield for close allies—chiefly Chernyshov, who faces corruption allegations.