The Prosecutor General Gets It All

After the Verkhovna Rada passed Bill No. 12414, subordinating independent anti-corruption agencies to the Prosecutor General, Executive Director of the Laboratory of Legislative Initiatives, Svitlana Matviienko, stated in an interview with Ukrainska Pravda: "In my opinion, no Prosecutor General since the 2014 Revolution has held as much power as Kravchenko may now wield. In essence, the last Prosecutor General with such a concentration of authority was Pshonka."

Today, amid wartime, extraordinary powers are being granted to President Volodymyr Zelensky’s appointee—Prosecutor General Andriy Kravchenko. The law, passed with 263 votes in favor and 13 against, effectively abolishes the independence of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP)—key institutions established after the Euromaidan with the support of Western partners. These institutions were not only a response to public demand but also part of the conditions for Ukraine’s integration into the European Union.

Until late in the evening of July 21, there was no confirmed mention in the Verkhovna Rada of any draft law related to NABU or SAP. According to Ukrainska Pravda, the final version of the document appeared only in the night of July 22, and the relevant committee meeting was held in emergency mode—at 8:40 a.m. By midday, the law had already been submitted to the president for signature.

As noted by The Economist, "few lawmakers can recall a law of such significance passed with such haste." For comparison, the previous high-profile national security bill went through weeks of debates, amendments, and preliminary hearings. In this case, it’s a complete overhaul of the criminal justice balance—adopted in a manner more akin to a mobilization special operation.

The vote coordination was led by "Servant of the People" faction head Davyd Arakhamia. His deputy, Andriy Motovylovets—once known as a prominent reformer—personally called MPs. Some factions, including Yulia Tymoshenko’s political force, supported the bill hoping for potential political dividends.

The adopted law gives the Prosecutor General full control over the anti-corruption hierarchy:
 ⋅ unrestricted access to all NABU materials;
 ⋅ the right to transfer investigations to other bodies if deemed "inefficient";
 ⋅ authority to issue written instructions to NABU detectives—mandatory for execution;
 ⋅ the right to resolve jurisdictional disputes (previously under SAP's authority);
 ⋅ power to appoint prosecutors without competition under martial law;
 ⋅ the ability to unilaterally close cases against top officials—from the president and MPs to judges and security officials;
 ⋅ the right to sign charges and control the process at all stages;
 ⋅ amendments to the NABU law allowing home searches without court approval—when investigating particularly serious crimes.

According to Matviienko, this marks the end of decentralization as a safeguard against abuse: "The Prosecutor General receives unlimited powers. He can take any case and, under the guise of legal oversight, simply block it."

Anti-corruption activists warn: this law allows unpunished interference in any case—especially those involving the president’s inner circle. Kateryna Butko, head of AutoMaidan, recalls the case of Oleh Tatarov, deputy head of the President’s Office: "His case was already taken away from NABU and buried in the Pechersk Court. Now this can be done with any case."

The appointment of Oleksandr Tsyvynskyi as head of the Bureau of Economic Security became one of the triggers for political conflict. Tsyvynskyi is an experienced NABU detective who passed an independent competition. Despite his victory, the government refused to confirm his candidacy. Experts emphasize that this decision was unlawful and revealed the authorities' desire to block the appointment of independent figures to key positions.

Almost simultaneously in July, Vitaliy Shabunin—a well-known activist and co-founder of the Anti-Corruption Action Center—was arrested. He was accused of fraud and evading mobilization. Shabunin himself calls the case fabricated. Human rights defenders are convinced: this is a signal to anyone attempting to investigate corruption within Zelensky’s inner circle.

The adoption of the law sparked a public reaction not seen since the beginning of the war. According to The Wall Street Journal, over a thousand people gathered on the evening of July 23 to protest outside the Presidential Office in Kyiv. Demonstrations also took place in Odesa, Lviv, and Dnipro. Protesters chanted "Shame!", "Veto the law!", as well as explicit slogans targeting the head of the Presidential Office: "Yermak—fuck off", "The Office—fuck this shit!"

Until now, most restrictions—from mobilization practices to limits on freedom of speech—were justified as necessary for defense against Russia. But the new law, as protesters and experts emphasize, has no connection to security. It is solely aimed at strengthening internal control within the government itself.

"What is happening is the destruction of Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure," said Daria Kaleniuk, head of the Anti-Corruption Action Center, in a statement to the WSJ. According to her, U.S. attention to reforms has weakened, signaling that it is now possible to attack key institutions without fear of consequences.

NABU Director Semen Kryvonos openly accused the authorities of political persecution: "This pressure campaign is a direct response to the effectiveness of our investigations, including those targeting high-ranking officials." According to him, the law was pushed forward by those under active investigation.

So far, the West has responded cautiously, but with growing concern. After a meeting with NABU representatives, the ambassadors of the G7 countries expressed "deep concern" and promised to discuss the situation with Ukrainian leadership. A representative of the European Commission reminded: "These institutions are crucial for Ukraine’s reforms and must operate independently to maintain public trust." He added that joining the EU will require real anti-corruption capacity and sustainable institutions.

Meanwhile, rhetoric in the U.S. is becoming sharper. Republican Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene called Zelensky a "dictator" and wrote: "Mass protests are happening in Kyiv against Ukraine’s President Zelensky, who refuses to sign a peace deal and end the war. Thank you to the Ukrainian people! Remove him from office! And America must stop funding and sending weapons!"

The creation of NABU, SAP, and the High Anti-Corruption Court was not only a response to demands from civil society, but also a condition set by Western donors willing to finance Ukrainian reforms. These bodies were built as independent structures—an alternative to the old prosecutor’s office and police.

It was an infrastructure of trust. Today, it is being dismantled. But this time, the destruction is not the result of Russian aggression. It is being initiated by the authorities themselves—from within.