The government of Giorgia Meloni, one of Donald Trump’s closest allies in Europe, is taking Italy’s culture wars into new territory.
A bill under debate in the lower house of Parliament would ban the teaching of “gender relativism” in preschools and primary schools, while tightening parental control over lessons related to “sexuality” in upper grades. The measure is already being compared to Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law in the United States and to similar initiatives in Eastern Europe that have excluded LGBTQ+ topics from school curricula.
Some proposed amendments go even further—banning transgender minors from participating in sports teams that do not match their biological sex and introducing additional procedures for students who wish to attend school under their chosen name and gender.
The legislation reflects a broader political trend: a push by conservatives in Europe and the U.S. to restrict classroom discussion of LGBTQ+ issues and to impose tighter limits on gender-affirming care for transgender youth.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni in Rome, September 29, 2025.
It also fits into a wider strategy by right-wing movements on both sides of the Atlantic promoting an “anti-woke” agenda: tougher migration policies, skepticism toward climate risks, and calls to boost birth rates. Though the bill is still being refined, its passage appears likely—Meloni’s government holds majorities in both chambers. The proposal follows a year after Bulgaria passed a Russian-style law banning “LGBTQ+ propaganda” in schools and shortly after Hungary adopted similar measures. Last month, Slovakia formally recognized only two genders and ordered schools to revise their curricula accordingly. In parallel, lawmakers there are preparing constitutional amendments restricting adoption to heterosexual couples and banning surrogacy.
Education Minister Giuseppe Valditara argues that the goal is to strengthen parental rights in matters involving “gender theory” and LGBTQ+ topics. He insists that the bill will not prohibit lessons on non-discrimination, since “respect for diversity” is already embedded in government guidelines.

Italian Education Minister Giuseppe Valditara in Pontida, September 2025.
“We believe these are sensible measures,” the minister said. “They protect the peace of mind of children who, at such a young age, have the right not to be exposed to theories that might confuse them. When they grow up, they will be able to engage with these subjects consciously.”
The education bill is being discussed alongside a separate proposal that would limit access to gender-affirming medical care for minors.
In the United States, Donald Trump signed an executive order ending federal support for gender-transition procedures for individuals under the age of 19. Last month, 16 states sued the Department of Health and Human Services, alleging that the agency violated the law by threatening to cut funding for sex-education programs in schools that mention gender identities.
Across Europe, similar restrictions are already in place in the United Kingdom, where such procedures are permitted only within clinical research settings. More cautious medical guidelines for treating minors have also been adopted in Denmark, France, Finland, Norway, and Sweden.
Critics in Italy warn that the bill risks undermining academic freedom and paving the way for arbitrary interpretation. “Even setting aside the issue of LGBTQ+ rights, this is an encroachment on freedom of teaching,” said Bella FitzPatrick, executive director of the Brussels-based organization IGLYO. “It’s a kind of censorship mechanism.”
The bill marks another effort by Meloni’s coalition to cement conservative values in Italian politics. The party she co-founded still uses symbols that trace back to Mussolini’s fascist past, yet Meloni has sought—and to a large extent succeeded—to present herself internationally as a mainstream conservative.
Her international reputation rests on a blend of pragmatic foreign policy—including a hard line on Russia—and social conservatism at home. Last year, Italy passed the strictest law in Western Europe banning international surrogacy. Same-sex couples were already barred from adoption, and they are now prohibited from registering children born abroad to surrogate mothers. The measure is being challenged in court but has effectively stripped same-sex families of their last means of legal recognition.
The government’s focus has now shifted to schools. While the bill does not formally ban the teaching of “sensitive” subjects, it gives parents the right to withdraw their children from lessons they deem inappropriate. Supporters of the initiative, including nationalists from the League party, argue that it is meant to protect the traditional family and counter “woke” ideology.
“The wave of woke ideas has reached Italy, and we must stop this progressive drift,” said League lawmaker Rossano Sasso. “We, as true Italians, put the family at the center. We’re not saying ‘don’t say gay.’ We’re saying ‘family first.’”
Classes that distinguish between sex and gender remain rare in Italy, though some schools invite teachers and outside experts to discuss gender sensitivity and equality.
In some cases, informal agreements between parents and schools already allow transgender students to use their chosen names and genders, including access to bathrooms and locker rooms. A 2024 study found that at least 249 Italian schools follow such practices.
The draft law would require schools to notify parents at least a week in advance about upcoming topics and to offer alternative lessons for those who do not want their children to participate. Teachers’ unions warn that, given limited funding, schools may simply stop holding such lessons altogether.
Manuela Calza, a member of the CGIL teachers’ union leadership, said giving parents “a preventive say” undermines the principle of school autonomy enshrined in Italian law.
“This harms a child’s right to education,” she said. “It’s clear that the government’s obsession lies with so-called ‘gender theory,’ though no one ever explains what that actually means. In their view, gender is strictly male or female, and all other forms of identity or sensitivity are simply denied.”
Sasso initially proposed a separate law requiring students to use bathrooms and locker rooms according to the sex listed at birth. That provision is absent from the current draft, but the opposition fears it could be added during the amendment stage.
“I hope the education minister will act responsibly before including such a clause,” said Democratic Party MP Irene Manzi. “It touches on fundamental rights and would directly affect students’ everyday lives.”
Parents of transgender children are particularly concerned about a possible amendment that would require an official start to the legal process of changing a child’s name and gender before they could attend school under their chosen identity.
According to Sasso, this requirement could be met with “a simple medical certificate” from a public clinic, but parents fear the vague wording would leave schools room for interpretation—and some might demand a court order.
“Since I heard about the bill, I haven’t slept at night,” said Claudia, a 50-year-old mother of two from Rome. Her 11-year-old transgender daughter recently started at a new school as a girl, but lawyers informed the family that at her age she cannot legally change her name—and if the amendment passes, she would have to attend classes as a boy.
“She said she doesn’t want to live if she’s forced to go back to the name and gender she was given at birth,” the mother said. “You can’t take children’s futures away. I’m angry and terrified because politicians don’t seem to see that.”